Budapest on 16 November, 1851 - "Manchester Guardian"
Kossuth in Manchester
The reception of Kossuth in Manchester on Tuesday was all that his warmest friends could have desired. He arrived by the train which leaves Birmingham at half-past eight a.m., and was due at half-past twelve, but it was a quarter to one when it got to the London-road terminus. The carriages of Mr. Henry, M.P. whose guest M. Kossuth was to be, waited for him; also those of Mr. Kershaw, M.P., and other gentlemen.A large number of persons had assembled, including numerous members of the town council. Dense masses of people lined the streets, the omnibuses were stopped and covered, roofs, fronts, wheels, and sides, with anxious people; carriers' carts also became temporary platterns, and from every window, and from many house-tops, groups of people were to be seen. As soon as the carriage cleared the bottom of the street leading to the station, a roar of cheering arose, and a thousand hands were simultaneously raised, waving hands with vehement action. As the carriage passed along, so did the cheers and the other marks of welcome, and a more hearty declaration of pleasure at beholding him could scarcely have been afforded.
The whole length of the road, from the railway station to the bottom of Market-street, was occupied by anxious spectators, and but a very few refrained from joining in the acclaim. Many, as soon as they could, attached themselves to the sides of his carriage, anxious to shake hands with him, and encountered the greatest danger in doing so. The carriage was some time in passing down the Market-street, and during the whole period the shouting continued unceasingly. In the midst of such ovations, M. Kossuth proceeded from the railway station at London-road down Piccadilly, Market-street, Victoria-market, and Strangways, and arrived at Mr. Henry's house, Woodlands, about three miles from Manchester, at half-past one o'clock. Mr. Wilson and other gentlemen, having seen M. Kossuth safely in the company of his hospitable entertainer, left for town to prepare for the evening meeting.
Great Meeting at the Free Trade Hall.
The proceedings in the Free Trade Hall in the evening were quite as remarkable for excitement as the morning's proceedings, The meeting was fixed for seven o'clock, but before six o'clock Peter-street, in which the hall stands, was impassable, and each of the doors public or private, into the building, was besieged by a closely-packed multitude anxious to gain admission. At six o'clock the doors were opened, and in a few minutes the large area presented an animated appearance, and in a few minutes more there was scarcely a foot of standing room, while large crowds stood outside demanding admission. The Free Trade Hall is calculated to accommodate, galleries, floor, and platform, some 8,500 persons, and it was crammed to excess in every available part.Upon the platform the deputations bringing addresses from various towns in the district were seated, and, what is seldom seen, the steps leading to it were crowded with people. At seven o'clock Kossuth came on the platform, accompanied by Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P., Mr. Kershaw, M.P., Mr. Henry, M.P.,, Mr. Bright, M.P., and Mr. George Wilson. He was received with the most enthusiastic cheering, which rose and fell, rose again, and were almost overpowering. No man, perhaps, ever received a more flattering reception. Mr. Wilson then took his place in the chair, and proceeded to say - Ladies and gentlemen, we are met to-night for the purpose of presenting an address to be passed at this meeting, and addresses passed elsewhere to M. Louis Kossuth, late a prisoner in Asia, now an illustrious visitor in England, and shortly to become a welcome patriot and sacred guest in the United States (loud cheers). I ask you if ever visitor was more welcome (no, never)? Was ever a guest more solicited to be present (hear, hear)? I grant you may fill our streets with numbers - crowds; you may for a time surround any object of celebrity with multitudes of admirers; but you can no more create the deep-toned enthusiasm which we have had to-day, than you can control the winds of heaven (cheers), unless the object of interest has been closely identified with the interests of humanity. / Mr. Smith Robinson, the hon. secretary, then read the address to Kossuth.
Addresses were then presented from Ashton-under-Lyne, by the mayor, the ex-mayor, and the town clerk; from Bury, Barnley, Denton, Halifax, the Mechanics' Institution, Hejwood; from Liverpool; from the Liverpool Hungarian Refugee Committee, from the Manchester working classes, from the Manchester Temperance Society, from Oldham, from the Polish Refuges Legion, from Preston, Roehdale, Hanley, Stockport, Wrexham, the students of the Independent College in the neighborhood of Manchester, and from the German inhabitants of Manchester.
Kossuth's Reply to the Addresses.
M. Kossuth the presented himself to the meeting, and was received with immense cheering and waving of hats. He said: - Since my arrival in England I have been so much occupied with the sympathy of the people, that I could not find sufficient time to prepare an eloquent speech, even carefully prepared in words; for in England, where every word is caught by the press - that mother and guardian of all progress - every word should be weighed, and carefully weighed, by any man in my position (cheers). It was said of one of the kings of Epirus, that he once sent a messenger to Rome, who reported to his master, on his return, that he had seen a city of kings, where every man was as much as in Epirus the king himself was.Since I have been in England I have seen public opinion pronounced in such a voice that I am reminded of that which Lord Brougham once said, that now and then in the words of the people the thunder of the Almighty was heard (cheers). The greeting which I received at Southampton was very dear to my heart, and having received addresses from all the parts of England, I have been able to form some idea of the people of England; and after the demonstrations of London, of Birmingham, and of Manchester, I may say the public opinion of England has pronounced to the oppressed nations of Europe - be of good cheer (applause).
I have had experience enough in public life to know that public opinion, as pronounced by the people of England, in that class of which I am one of the humble representatives, may be dissimulated as a whole - it may, perhaps, be jeered at heartily, but at last obeyed it must be (cheers), because England is a constitutional country, and in a constitutional country, public opinion is acknowledged by law and by right to give a direction to the proceedings of the government and parliament.
To bring home in a practical way to your generous hearts the idea of freedom, the question is whether Europe shall be ruled by the principle of centralisation, or by the principle of self-government, because self-government is freedom, and centralisation is absolutism (hear, hear). Shall freedom die away for centuries, and mankind become nothing more than a blind instrument for the ambition of some few - shall the brand of servitude be written on the brow of humanity? O woe, ten thousand woes, to every nation which, confident in its proud position, regards with carelessness the comprehensive struggle of this great principle!
There are some who endeavour to counteract the demonstrations of sympathy which I have the honour to meet by the narrow circle of personality. They would fain make believe that there is nothing more in this demonstration than a matter of fashion - a transitory ebullition of popular feeling, passing away like a momentary bubble, or at most a tribute of approbation to the behaviour of a gallant people in a great cause, and of consolation to its unmerited misfortunes. But I say it is not so. I say that the very source of this demonstration is the instinctive feeling of the people that the destiny of mankind is coming to the turning point for centuries. It is the manifestation of the instinct of self-preservation raised by an instinctive knowledge of the fact that the decisive struggle in the destinies of Europe is so near, and that no people, no country, can remain unaffected by the issue of this struggle.
A great writer tells us that the despotic Governments of Europe have become weak - that despotic Governments feel their approaching death near, and that they will go to their rest, and I hope this struggle will be the last in mankind's history (hear, hear, hear). I am nothing but the opportunity which elicited the hidden spark - the opportunity which brings instinctive apprehensions of approaching danger to all nations. It was a ground of alarm, or else how can the sophist explain the fact of the universality of this demonstration, not restricted to my presence, no restricted to climate, not restricted to the singular character of a people or of a society's organisation, but spreading through the world like the pulsation of a heart, like the spark of an electric battery.
The numerous addresses, full of the most generous sentiments, which I have been honoured with in England, are the effect of my presence here. I have kindled a spark among a great people. From the metropolis of the world down to the solitary hamlet the people all join in the same view, and I humbly entreat you to consider that this feeling is not restricted even to England itself. The glorious republic of the United States, Italy, France, the noble-minded English garrison in Gibraltar, the warm-hearted Portuguese, have joined in these views; and on the very day when a deputation came to England to honour me with the greetings of Belgium, that lofty monument of the love of freedom and of its indomitable force, I got the knowledge of a similar demonstration in Sweden. Is this an accident? Is this fashion? Is this personal? What have I in me, in my person, in my present, in my future, to justify, to explain this universality of demonstration? Nothing - not entirely nothing - only the knowledge that I am a friend to freedom - the friend of the people. I am nothing but the opportunity of the manifestation of the instinctive feeling of many nations, that the dragon of oppression draws near, and that the St. George of liberty is ready to wrest with him (cheer).
A philosopher was once questioned how he could prove the existence of God? "Why," says he, "by opening my eyes. God is seen everywhere - in the growth of the grass and in the movement of the stars, in the warbling of the lark, and in the thunder of heaven." Even so I prove that the decisive struggle in mankind's destiny draws near. I appeal to the sight of your eyes - I appeal to the pulsion of your hearts - I appeal to the judgment of your minds. You know it - you see it - you feel it - that judgment is drawing near. How blind are those men who have the affection to believe, or at least to assert, that it is only certain men who push on the revolutions of the continent of Europe, which, but for these revolutionary parties, would be quiet and contented (laughter). With what? With oppression and servitude (hear, hear)?
France, contented with its constitution, turned into a pasquinade; Germany, contented with being but a fold of sheep, bent up to be shorn by petty tyrants (cheers); Switzerland, contented with the threatening ambition of encroaching despots; Italy, contented with the King of Naples (laughter), or with the priestly government of Rome, the worst of inventions; Austria, Bohemia, Croatia, Dalmatia, contented with having been driven to butchery after having been deceived, and laughed at; Poland, contented with being murdered; Hungary, my poor Hungary, contented with being more than murdered - buried alive, because it is alive (loud and repeated cheers). What I feel is but a weak pulsation of that feeling which in the breast of my nation beats.
Prussia, contented with slavery - Venice, Flansburg, Lombardy, Pesth, Milan, Venice, Breslan, contented with having been bombarded, burnt, plundered, sacked, and its population butchered; and half of the empire contented with the scaffold, the hangman, and the prison - with having no political rights, but with having paid innumerable millions for their highly beneficial purpose of being kept in serfdom (bear). That is the condition of the European continent. And is it not ridiculous to see and hear men talk of individuals disturbing the tranquility of Europe?
Why are there no revolutionary movements in England? Why is there tranquility and peace in England and Belgium? Because you want no revolution - because you are insured by your institutions, your public spirit, that whatever here in England requisite to be done - because no human thing is perfect - it will be done (loud cheers). I would like to see the man who would stand up here in England to make a revolution (laughter). But on the continent of Europe - on the greater part at least - ye tyrants of the world, ye have destroyed its peace and tranquility - ye have shaken the very foundation of it, sad it will not, it cannot be restored until ye are hurled down to annihilation, ye sword enemies of mankind, freedom, dignity, and welfare (cheers).
Only let us cast back a look to the gigantic war which against Napoleon was fought. The promise of freedom brought the nations into the light. Afterwards came the Congress of Vienna, where the ambitious masters of the world disposed of mankind like cattle herds; but even there the interference of England in the settlement was a guarantee to mankind for some constitutional life at least; and even your Castlereaghs were wise enough not to abandon Europe to oppression.
The constitutional life and existence of Poland, and many other nations, were guaranteed. But where is Poland now? Where is constitutional Europe now? And here I would put the question to the meeting - were the statesmen of England who belong to the most retrograde school, is the present condition of Europe, that for which the people of England shed their blood in torrente, spent innumerable millions, for which you are taxed even now to pay the interest of those millions? Oppression went on.
The promises of the despots turned out to be penurious falsehoods. France bestirred itself, and the despots trembled and hushed the nation to sleep in new promises, new engagements, new lies (cheers). Oh, how humble they were in those days. I have seen some of them - I have weighed them in this very hand of mine. Formerly they broke only their word. They were saved by arms from the consequences of their sword oath, and every tie was broken, every sentiment violated. Prayers to God were mingled with curses against the despots, and Europe's oppressed nations shook their chains, and weeping millions deplore their present condition.
This is the present state of the European continent - at least, of the greater part - and still there are men speaking of regard to these despots, whilst they are silent upon the duties towards humanity - speaking about the danger of offending tyrants, while they are silent about the danger of disregarding the condition of mankind (cheers). It is Russian interference in Hungary which pat the bond of serfdom on the neck of Europe - it is the unmerited fall of my nation which brought home to your minds, and those of other nations, the idea that, if not soon opposed by the principle of freedom, the moment is drawing near when Europe will be almost Cossack (bear, bear, bear).
You must be aware of the circumstances that the independence of Hungary is the bulwark against Russian preponderance on the Continent: and I beg you to be aware, what the people feel instinctively, that the cause of Hungary is the incarnation of a principle of self-government which can exist no longer in Europe without the independence of Hungary (bear). I ask with confidence, what will be the practical issue of this sympathy of the people of England? I have reason to look with particular interest to Manchester in respect to the solution of this question.
Manchester is a young city. In 1720 it was a village of 24,000 inhabitants, and not it is the first manufacturing city in the world, with nearly half a million. It is glorious to have an old age in countries and cities, and to outlive the vicissitudes of centuries, but it is no small glory to have grown up to be a giant in a short period. To you I look for a practical result in this respect. My second reason is because Manchester and Liverpool form the most powerful link between England and the United States. Commerce is the locomotion of principles (loud cheers). Your glorious distinction is to frame the spirit of the public opinion with that of the United States, for the purposes of uniting the policy of both countries with respect to Europe. That union, I say will be the turning point in the destinies of Europe, England, and the United States, united in their policy, cannot but side with freedom. Manchester carried the principal of free trade (bear). Whatever Manchester undertakes she will carry.
You may think it strange, but I say that free trade is not carried out; cheap bread is carried, but free trade is not carried. But free trade will be carried when the producers of English industry obtain a fair access to the markets of Europe, from which, by the absolute principle, they are now excluded. The freedom of Europe is connected not only with a free trade spirit but with the interest of the Protectionist party in England. Were I a Protectionist I would carry out the principle of free exportation to other countries, so that the industry employed should be greater, the wages better. Hungary, even in its present depressed position, consumes 22,500,000 sterling, but not a single yard of Manchester industry is there seen? Why? Because free commerce is shut out. And what would be this market, if Hungary should be placed on the basis of liberty?
Of course, greater development of industry would take place. The honourable gentleman then referred to the parliamentary returns for the last six years for the purpose of showing that, whilst the exports to despotic countries, such as Russia and Austria, had decreased, the exports to America had considerably increased per head in proportion to the increase of the population. Before my coming to you I was asked, what can you have to do in Manchester, where so many influential individuals are so intimately connected with a peace association, whereas you of course must be a man of war? What Austria, by Russian arms, has taken from Hungary she will not restore if possible. Francis Joseph, although a Jesuit, has not the intention to exchange his purple for the frock of a monk, like Charles V. I look confidently to the several great associations of England to support that great cause of which I am one of the humble representatives. I hope the cause will be supported by your religious associations, which are desirous of supporting freedom of conscience against despotism, for in these very days the Protestants of Hungary have been obliged to close their schools in consequence of the manner in which their education has been interfered with. I look for the protection of your reform societies, and of the free-trade societies, of the Association of the Friends of Italy - for the cause of Hungary and of Italy is identical (cheers). I openly declare that to none of these societies do I look with more hope than to the Peace Association, and the eloquent speech delivered by your member shows that I have not looked for the support of that association in vain (cheers).
After eulogising the principles of the Peace Society, M. Kossuth went on to say he had not come to England to ask the interference of this country. He had not come to England to ask this country to take any steps for the restoration of Europe. He only entreated England to respect and make every nation respect the right of each country to regulate its own domestic concerns (cheers).
God has not created this fair world to be the prison of humanity. Peace could only be founded on contentment in nations, and it was only in the garden of liberty that contentment could grow. It was a calumny, it was perjury, to charge the people with being lovers of disorder, and discord, and mischief. Where there was freedom there was order. He had never seen greater order than amongst the thousands now assembled. There was no nation that liked discord. But there were many nations that hated oppression, and his nation was one of those (cheers).
Some observations of his had been misconstrued in replying to an address a few days ago. He was represented as having said that there was no other form of government but that of a republic. He never said so. What he said was this. He said that he considered the form of government might be different, according to the peculiar circumstances of a country - the form in England was a Monarchy, and that in the United States Republican, but both were compatible with social order. The honourable gentleman concluded by saying, "People of Manchester, let not the world, let not history see, that on the eve of a great struggle between despotism and liberty you have nothing but the principle of freedom and confession of tender heart. People of Manchester, people of England, out with your manly resolution, again the despots of the world - cry "Stop," and the puppets will fall, and you will have given freedom to the world (tremendous cheering) - Dr. Vaughan then proposed a vote of thanks to the Government and people of the United States. The motion was seconded by Mr. Absalom Walker, and carried with acclamation. - Mr. Thomas Bazley proposed the thanks of the meeting to the Sultan of Turkey, which being seconded by Mr. Henry Rawson, was carried unanimously. After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was moved by M. Kossuth, the proceedings terminated.
Kossuth in England - Kossuth in Manchester 1
Kossuth in England - Kossuth in Manchester 2
Kossuth in England - Kossuth in Manchester 3
